TO LEARN OR TEACH ENGLISH, DOES THE LEARNER’S NATIVE LANGUAGE MATTER?
WE SEE CONSIDERABLE DIFFERENCES in language comprehension, skill and ability among refugee populations we work with in Greensboro, NC. We notice English teaching programs (ESOL) generally do not consider the origins of speakers except in the most general terms. Lately there has been recognition between the profound differences between preliterate and literate learners. But for best results we think it makes sense to ascertain as closely as possible a learner’s native skills. Otherwise there's a serious question about where to start, how to measure progress, and at what rate. This approach leads to a rational discussion about appropriate resources and measures rather than say throwing resources willy-nilly at the huge problem of acculturation and resettlement.
Looking at the Montagnard Jarai community we asked, What have been the factors affecting their learning in the US?
Eliminating false beliefs
Working backwards, we eliminated many prevailing local American beliefs, for example that our learners spoke Vietnamese reliably or well (No) or spoke French (No). We also investigated ideas within the larger Montagnard American community (5+ tribes) that Jarai and Rhade were mutually comprehensible (No). We also got rid of the idea that any or all Montagnards in North Carolina can communicate with one another reliably through any language (such as Rhade) and that it had to be proven on a case by case basis.
Go to the source
Second, we asked community members about the language they spoke and let them explain differences. Then we compared their statements and our observations to Lap Siu’s excellent Master’s thesis on North American Jarai.
Constructing a model learner
So what is the starting point for the learners we studied? Most speak Jarai Pleiku or Jarai Phu Nhon, dialects of the Jarai language. When they arrive in North Carolina, they meet other Jarai speakers from villages across the Jarai Territory (see map) who they might not have otherwise encountered had they remained in Vietnam, and older Jarai speakers who had experience with other Montagnard tribes (Rhade, Bahnar, etc) during the war years. Over time this exposure to different dialects changes the speech of newcomers and reinvigorates the community. Here in North Carolina Jarai speakers also meet Montagnards from other tribes and might pick up some of their languages, too.
Do our learners know Vietnamese? Some do. Quite a few can speak basic or non-specialized, conversational Vietnamese. But not many know specialized or technical Vietnamese terms. One well educated Jarai woman explained that many refugees in the US spoke and understood Vietnamese about as well as they now speak and understand English, that is, poorly. If many of our learners comprehend at about a second to fourth grade level, that's hardly enough to sign a business contract, read a medical bill, follow court instructions or answer a police charge. School-aged children now have attended Vietnamese schools and are taught to read and write in Vietnamese. Some are quite well educated.
Many elders could speak many languages and communicate effectively across tribal barriers because they lived and fought alongside one another for many years or because they received formal, often French-influenced education. When they came to Greensboro and the Piedmont as refugees they gave local Americans the impression that all their tribesmen had this skill. These polyglots are the historic exception. Today the Montagnard Jarai community continues to be invigorated with newly arrived speakers, but these are usually family members who share their rural background. By comparison to Vietnamese or English, Jarai has a modest number of words. Language is constructed around the needs of its users, so it’s no surprise that Jarai reflects the interests of an agrarian society. Faced with new situations, new environments, concepts, processes and material goods, users must resort to foreign words (English, Vietnamese) made up ones in their own language (neologisms), or long-winded explanations. All three solutions have drawbacks and make accurate interpretation and translation difficult.*
The snapshot of our learners suggests that interviews and assessments must be unusually thorough and searching. They take time and require a level of appreciation and skill beyond a superficial knowledge of Asian culture, resettlement policies or general interest in helping others. While it has been easy and convenient and ultimately a significant cost saving for local American authorities and agencies to treat Montagnards as a uniform entity, historic and cultural evidence, academic scholarship as well as our observations and work with community members from a wide range of backgrounds and education discourage the idea that a one-size-fits-all acculturation model can work. Indeed, a lot of the continued confusion by Americans over simple language, dialect and tribal distinctions after twenty-five years of tepid relations would seem to support deeper, better knowledge of refugee and immigrant communities as the starting point for good relations.
WE SEE CONSIDERABLE DIFFERENCES in language comprehension, skill and ability among refugee populations we work with in Greensboro, NC. We notice English teaching programs (ESOL) generally do not consider the origins of speakers except in the most general terms. Lately there has been recognition between the profound differences between preliterate and literate learners. But for best results we think it makes sense to ascertain as closely as possible a learner’s native skills. Otherwise there's a serious question about where to start, how to measure progress, and at what rate. This approach leads to a rational discussion about appropriate resources and measures rather than say throwing resources willy-nilly at the huge problem of acculturation and resettlement.
Looking at the Montagnard Jarai community we asked, What have been the factors affecting their learning in the US?
Eliminating false beliefs
Working backwards, we eliminated many prevailing local American beliefs, for example that our learners spoke Vietnamese reliably or well (No) or spoke French (No). We also investigated ideas within the larger Montagnard American community (5+ tribes) that Jarai and Rhade were mutually comprehensible (No). We also got rid of the idea that any or all Montagnards in North Carolina can communicate with one another reliably through any language (such as Rhade) and that it had to be proven on a case by case basis.
Go to the source
Second, we asked community members about the language they spoke and let them explain differences. Then we compared their statements and our observations to Lap Siu’s excellent Master’s thesis on North American Jarai.
Constructing a model learner
So what is the starting point for the learners we studied? Most speak Jarai Pleiku or Jarai Phu Nhon, dialects of the Jarai language. When they arrive in North Carolina, they meet other Jarai speakers from villages across the Jarai Territory (see map) who they might not have otherwise encountered had they remained in Vietnam, and older Jarai speakers who had experience with other Montagnard tribes (Rhade, Bahnar, etc) during the war years. Over time this exposure to different dialects changes the speech of newcomers and reinvigorates the community. Here in North Carolina Jarai speakers also meet Montagnards from other tribes and might pick up some of their languages, too.
Do our learners know Vietnamese? Some do. Quite a few can speak basic or non-specialized, conversational Vietnamese. But not many know specialized or technical Vietnamese terms. One well educated Jarai woman explained that many refugees in the US spoke and understood Vietnamese about as well as they now speak and understand English, that is, poorly. If many of our learners comprehend at about a second to fourth grade level, that's hardly enough to sign a business contract, read a medical bill, follow court instructions or answer a police charge. School-aged children now have attended Vietnamese schools and are taught to read and write in Vietnamese. Some are quite well educated.
Many elders could speak many languages and communicate effectively across tribal barriers because they lived and fought alongside one another for many years or because they received formal, often French-influenced education. When they came to Greensboro and the Piedmont as refugees they gave local Americans the impression that all their tribesmen had this skill. These polyglots are the historic exception. Today the Montagnard Jarai community continues to be invigorated with newly arrived speakers, but these are usually family members who share their rural background. By comparison to Vietnamese or English, Jarai has a modest number of words. Language is constructed around the needs of its users, so it’s no surprise that Jarai reflects the interests of an agrarian society. Faced with new situations, new environments, concepts, processes and material goods, users must resort to foreign words (English, Vietnamese) made up ones in their own language (neologisms), or long-winded explanations. All three solutions have drawbacks and make accurate interpretation and translation difficult.*
*Difficult but not inherently expensive or as time-consuming as imagined by American authorities in health, education, housing and law. I have outlined the problem in lay terms. The value of good interpretation and translation, like good communication, can’t be overstated. In 2012 the US Department of Justice cited North Carolina for violation of the Civil Rights Act because of its failure to provide proper court interpretation. It also addresses costs and rejects arguments that they are burdensome.Before you go, where are you?
The snapshot of our learners suggests that interviews and assessments must be unusually thorough and searching. They take time and require a level of appreciation and skill beyond a superficial knowledge of Asian culture, resettlement policies or general interest in helping others. While it has been easy and convenient and ultimately a significant cost saving for local American authorities and agencies to treat Montagnards as a uniform entity, historic and cultural evidence, academic scholarship as well as our observations and work with community members from a wide range of backgrounds and education discourage the idea that a one-size-fits-all acculturation model can work. Indeed, a lot of the continued confusion by Americans over simple language, dialect and tribal distinctions after twenty-five years of tepid relations would seem to support deeper, better knowledge of refugee and immigrant communities as the starting point for good relations.
